Spatial anaphora in Hungarian

Authors

  • György Rákosi Department of English Linguistics, University of Debrecen, Hungary Author
  • Enikő Tóth Department of English Linguistics, University of Debrecen, Hungary Author

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.36505/ExLing-2019/10/0043/000405

Keywords:

anaphora, Hungarian, pronoun, PP, reflexive

Abstract

Hungarian employs reflexives in contexts of spatial anaphora to encode a referential dependency with clause-mate antecedents, and pronouns are generally unacceptable in the same configuration. This study shows that pronouns are also an option nevertheless in certain cases for most speakers, the major licensing factor being the distance between the antecedent and the figure located. Our results show that the constraints that govern the distribution of different types of pronominals in spatial anaphora in English are also relevant in Hungarian, albeit to a weaker degree.

References

É. Kiss, K. 1987. Configurationality in Hungarian. Dordrecht: Reidel.

Kemmerer, D. 1999. “Near” and “far” in language perception. Cognition, 73, 35-63.

Oravecz, Cs., Váradi, T., Sass, B. 2014. The Hungarian Gigaword Corpus. In Proceedings of LREC 2014.

Rákosi, Gy. 2012. A magyar birtokosszerkezetű viszonyjelölőkről, avagy kígyók szájfénnyel és esernyővel. [On possessive adpositional constructions in Hungarian, or snakes with lip glosses and umbrellas.] In K. É. Kiss, A. Hegedűs (eds.), Nyelvelmélet és dialektológia, 154-173. Piliscsaba: PPKE BTK.

Reinhart, T., Reuland, E. 1993. Reflexivity. Linguistic Inquiry, 24(4), 657‒720.

Rooryck, J., Vanden Wyngaerd, G. 2011. Dissolving binding theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Published

01-01-2019

How to Cite

Spatial anaphora in Hungarian. (2019). Linguistic Proceedings Series, 10(1), 173-176. https://doi.org/10.36505/ExLing-2019/10/0043/000405

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